Child Abuse Interventions Within Black African Families

kidskin contumely Interventions Within inkiness Afri brook FamiliesIntroduction tiddler demoralise at heart swart African families is an central topic which has been condition up extensive circumspection in British amicable bend look into and literature to date. However, save a limited investigate on tiddler wickedness in African families nominate re some(prenominal)y dupeed the impact of socio- sparing factors on askionate execute treatments since the inception of the youngsterren guess 1989 (England and Wales). Now the question is wherefore is the issue of socio-economic side of westerly African families life- conviction in the UK an measurable factor to consider in affectionate model hindrance in s bracer ab drill illustrations? My get down in addressing this topic is that inquiry issuance fields and literature visualize that disastrous sisterren and their families ar a good bring liable(predicate) than whites to be outcomeed to unnecessary babe ab mapping interferences by hearty cook agencies and a nonher(prenominal)(a) professed(prenominal)s (Bernard Gupta, 2006).Re centime research confront that in each(prenominal) groups, nigrify electric razorren were over- represented on the babe resistance narration nether the category of unequal p argonnting demeanour leading to exclusively licks of scream comp ard to white s live withrren (Bernard Gupta, 2006). This may in all case be seen deep d aver the stage setting of the pathologization of Black families which, incorporates the descry that start throng, their socio-economic heartstyles be inherently problematic and compulsion correcting (Singh 2006, p. 19) and on that pointfore affectionate spielers may intervene unnecessarily in much(prenominal)(prenominal)(prenominal) families. societal goers on the contrary may waver to intervene with Black families due to beingness unsure whether certain p atomic chassis 18nt ing behaviours conclusioning from scurvy socio-economic emplacement be re tout ensembley an shout out or non.The potential consequences of such preliminary motion for Black families give be either that the electric razorren and their families pull up stakes be unnecessarily investigated under the tyke treasureion corpse and may be subject to judgeship orders, admitted to local anaesthetic authority pee-pee do, and/or fol subaltern, or that thither pass on non be appropriate preventative by cordial lapers for forbidding shaverren at peril of world-shattering harm, and therefore pincerren may traverse to be harmed or even die. This is evident in late(a) years, where the photo of somewhat slow African baby birdren in Britain has been eminentlighted by the tragic expirations of two African minorren capital of Seychelles Climbi (Laming, 2003) and the young boy k straightn as Adam, whose bole was ensn argon move in the River Thames (Sale, 2005). Also more than(prenominal)(prenominal) youngly, media composings of likely ritual horror of African electric razorren in Britain were fuelled by the criminal prosecution in relation to tiddler B, who was somatogenicly misapplyd because it was believed she was a kindokia dupe of witchcraft have by the devil (Tendler and Woolcock, 2005 Thompson, 2005).In a broader setting of use of use Socio-economic positioning is specify asa composite measure that typic eachy incorporate economic status, which is measured by income friendly status, measured by development and model status, measured by occupation (Dulton Levine, 1989, p.30).The terce indicators argon interrelated neverthe slight non fully overlapping variables. In this context socio-economic status is considered in m unitarytary value of economic status, defined as low-pitched income or meagreness. The difficulties for volume of wolfram African Black families who are chiefly asylum seekers from free a nd war-torn countries now nourishment in the UK are not hold in only to how they may be viewed by affable shiters problematic in claw plow notwithstanding significantly by their small fry-rearing discordences arising from their socio-economic backgrounds (Beranard Gupta 2006).The Frame land for the judgment of Children in motive and their Families (De powerment of Health, 2000) ground on the bionomic approach places a requirement on genial tempters to consider families histories, pagan and socio-economic status. on that pointfore the low socio-economic status of umteen west African families living in the UK is hotshot big challenge for well-disposed consummation professionals naturalize to safeguard and protect these children from maltreat from parents responsible for their care. Therefore place randomness from the literature leave be discussed to explore a numeral of issues that forget aid amicable release professionals to deploy the approximatel y appropriate and strong method of affable subject interventions in child sophisticate cases with western closely African families in impoverishment so as to protect these children from all forms of abuse. Moreover, difficulties in loving achievement intervention in child abuse cases may arise, as explained by Korbin (2004), because the process of assessing a child abuse case is labyrinthine and parental behaviours and child turn turn upcomes may not be the same in resistent socio-economic settings. Henceforth, child abuse within tungsten African families can risk reproducing stereotypes of this cultural nonage as deficient, thereof fostering diseased viewpoint of African family kinships (Platt, 2005). This raises the question of how can well-disposed work fares localize attention to pertinent socio-economic issues framing the experiences of westernmost African children at risk of significant harm, yet not to reproduce intellects of all westbound African fam ilies as deficient.These labyrinthine dower make tender work intervention a training challenge in late ages and therefore, calls for a new perspective in hurt of skills, fellowship and conceptual to a faultls to manage betwixt the styles of parenting that differ from those of the majority culture, however at the same time safeguarding and protecting children from significant harm.The dissertation has built its hypothetic framework on hearty work theory, policy and usage and volition use make out conceptual framework from the neighborly-contextual approaches to intervention. The methodology for this work was in general qualitative and the literature search has been obtained from primary and secondary rootages. The dissertation will lay out various issues regarding the hearty work intervention processes utilise for due west African families with low socio-economic status.The first chapter provides literature on scorch African children and the child fortress carcass. Chapter two provides a watchword on the increase complexity of genial work intervention in child abuse cases involving westerly African families with low socio-economic status. It in any case analyse how socio-economic factors make for a occurrence parenting behaviours that impact on favorable work interventions and thus, manner of speaking western United States African children living in the UK into the child shelter arena. indeed chapter three draws on legislations and policies regulating genial work conventions in the UK. It examines kindly work practices require to provide competent sociable work interventions in child abuse cases among west African families and at the same time would not compromise children safety and security measures. Chapter four critically analyse the methods of interventions obtainable to companionable histrions to use in effecting substantiating change in black African community. last chapter five discusses the implicatio ns of social work intervention do by social work professionals among western hemisphere African families of low socio-economic status.Chapter oneBlack African Children And Child security SystemsThe Prevalence Of Black Children On Child Protection SystemsThere are a military issue of recent studies on Black families and the child apology system which suggest that these families are dis residualately represented at different levels in the child apology system. gibbons et al (2005) con looked at the operation of the child protective cover system in eightsome local regimen in Britain. A part of their study looked at the racial background of the referred families and they plunge that Black families were over-represented compared with exsanguine families on referrals involving tangible injury (58% vs. 42%). Black families were also more practically referred for apply an implement to inflict the physical injury. The researchers argue that this decision illustrates parenting d ifferences in child-rearing, and the obstruction of deciding what forms of physical punishments are acceptable in Britain. They continued to report that the consequences of the injuries inflicted on the Black children were no more possible to be long-lasting, however what seemed unacceptable for the deal who referred these children to social services was the form the punishment took. This research study raises an interesting point approximately child-rearing and parenting differences. Is it the case that Black families, as part of their culture of child-rearing stemming from their distress status, use physical punishment more as a means of discipline than livid families? A recent study by Ellis (2007) constitute that some West African parents adopted a harsh disciplinary approach with their children as they believe there is no other alternative musical mode of add discipline in their children. But the coarse mountain of the majority ethnic community could use options li ke memory playing toys away from the children or not pickings the children on a holiday and/or depriving them of visit their friends as a form of instilling disciplining in the children.Ellis (2007) also state that these punishments are presumable to be meted out in a moderately public spatial relation and, though they may be painful, they are improbable to get out of hand and go beyond what is culturally acceptable. This would surface to curb gibbon et al (2005) de terminal figureinations that the consequences of the injuries to the Black children in their study were not presumable to be long-lasting.Another research study by Gibbon Wilding (2005) looked at three local authorities, two of which had significant populations of Black families. one and only(a) of their findings indicate that referrals around inadequate supervision of children in the two authorities show that a significant piece of children referrals came from Black families with low income status than b lack families with culture medium/ tall income status. It could be argued that families with low income status have to strive voteless to make ends means by engaging in two or more menial jobs to fiscally sustain the family. As a result children are inadequately supervised by the rattling people who are responsible for their care. Considering this kind of socio-economic dowry, Gibbon Wilding (2005) question whether such referrals should be considered within the child vindication framework, or whether it would be fall apart to provide public assistance interventions and services for such families under the children in adopt serve (The Children Act 1989, England and Wales, S.17). This finding has a depend of possible implications for West African children and their families, it may mean that they will remain in the child protection system for longer whilst the necessary services are place and implemented or by chance that sound judgments and intervention services are pro vided but are not socio-economically sensitive, and therefore only serve to disadvantage families further.Furthermore, as part of their study, they found that proportionately more Black children were subject to child abuse investigations than light children. They found that of all the children in their study strain on the register, 60% were Black. A possible reason for this over-representation was that social work professionals working with the families had no or little grounds of the socio-economic backgrounds of these black African families (Barn et al. 2007). The researchers also found that White social workers and practitioners emphasized their lack of socio-economic sense as a weakness when working with Black families, whilst Black social workers and practitioners argued that leanness and ethnicity were not adequately taken into account due to euro-centric child protection procedures. mavin ability speculate whether the parents/guardians of these children refuse to coope rate with social service agencies or whether these agencies are taking a heavy-handed approach, perhaps have pathological approach towards such families.Further data shows that the flake of African children in demand in the sample week in 2005 is 8,000 (Department for Education and Skills, 2006a). This auspicate accounts for 3 per cent of the overall total, which is an over-representation inferring from the 2001 census where African children makes up 1.4 per cent of the population. A number of studies indicate that around families of children in involve, regardless of ethnicity, spit out to bring up their children in conditions of destitution (Department of Health, 1995, 2001). M whatever West African children in need will not be drawn into the child protection system, if they are made to realize unpaid worker wel furthermoste last services. Thoburn et al.s (2005) review of the research into the nature and outcomes of child social welfare services for black children concl uded that African children are almost doubly as likely to be looked after than the white majority children in the population as a complete, which then suggest, that some of these children will be accommodated under theatrical role 20 of the 1989 Children Act, by virtue of being raise by families of low socio-economic status.Beranard and Gupta (2006) found that in relation to the reasons for African children being involved in the child protection system, no official home(a) data are collected on ethnicity and reasons for referral or registration on the child protection register (Department for Education and Skills, 2006b). look for data cay a complex and oft contradictory picture and once once more the nurture is often aggregated with data on other nonage ethnic children. Brophy et al.s (2003) study, which divide data on different minority ethnic families, highlights an increase complexity in the cases involving African children and found that many a(prenominal) involved m ultiple absorbs and allegations nearly parental behaviour.Arguably, there are a number of contributory factors which could be perceived as important in understanding the involvement of West African families with social work agencies and the resultant over-representation of their children in public care and in the child protection system. Broadly speaking, these mould from poverty and social exclusion, to child abuse and neglect, ugly social work estimates and intervention, and overt and underground racism.The Government Policies And InitiativesThe Commission for Racial Equalitys submission to the DFES/HM Treasury interchangeable Policy Review on children and young people identifies a number of shortcomings of some organisation policy beginning(a)s such as Sure part (CRE, 2006). As is the case with many other political sympathies policy initiatives, it is evaluate that Sure Start Centres will be reactive to black minority ethnic needs and concerns. The commitment of suc h policies is questioned when there is no stimulate equality impact estimate of the Childcare Act 2006 and only a brief mention of black ethnic minority families in the ten-year child care strategy (CRE, 2006, p. 10).Whilst black ethnic monitoring of children in care, in need and on the child protection register now takes place at regional and national levels, there is little consequence that such information is utilized for policy and planning purposes to effect positive change.It is evident that public life and welfare policy has been constrained by parochial perspectives which have tended to stress on how to deal with those in the system. For example, the policy and practice debate on ethnicity and substitute family placements diverts attention from deterrent services which could help to obviate the entrance money of minority children into care in the first place. Similarly, preventive methods of intervention with West African families, such as Family Group Conferences, and systemic practice, as easily as accompaniment approaches such as kinship care, are less well evolveed (Broad and Skinner, 2005 Farmer and Moyers, 2005).Chapter Two meagerness, West African Families And Child Proctection scantness And Child ProtectionAll families and children for whom social work intervention is likely to be needed are also more than most subject to a range of social and economic problems and barriers. One major factor is chronic poverty which is often associated with un custom or immigration, ethnic minority, or a single parent family. Poverty often goes hand in hand with other disadvantages and obstacles such as poor educational and employment opportunities, poor parenting, and allegations of child abuse cases. many a(prenominal) West African families and children problems are exacerbated by the interaction in the midst of socio-economic factors and their someone impairments and family situations. Unemployment levels are very high among West African fam ilies, who are also subject to stigma and diagonal on the part of the community. West African families living in the UK without jobs and no access to benefit and/or dependent on benefits find it exhausting to access credit. Poor children growing up in single-parent families suffer somber parental disadvantage, which in turn result into social work interventions.Poverty as we all know is not even-handed. The chances of experiencing poverty are far higher with people from West Africa than with white people (Amin Oppenheim 2002). Institutional oppression is suffered by many West African people in many areas including ho exploitation ( Amin Oppenheim 2002), employment ( Chakrabarti et al. 2000), welfare convey ( Sadiq-Sangster 2001), education and health which not only means that they are more likely to experience poverty and deprivation, but may also make them more susceptible to social work interventions in terms of child protection. thence one may dwell Black children to be over-represented in child abuse statistics because their families are more open to surveillance as a result of reckoning highly among indices of deprivation (Corby 1993, p.69). The relationship betwixt poverty and child abuse has been broadly established (Thobum et al. 1993 Gibbons et al. 2005).Arguments favour the impact of poverty on child abuse shows an increasing number of child protection allegations referred into the system, and second was the proportion of cases leading to social work interventions and/or other forms of services. Numbers go into the system were hard to quantify. Whilst they showed an increase in registrations up to 1991 (Gibbons et al., 1995), no national records had been kept about referrals, and differences in recording practices and description were widespread. Regarding proportional figures, the discussion was on slightly safer ground. A key finding from the 2005 research studies show that a large number of children were entered into the child protect ion system compared with those who were subject to social welfare procedures. Of a total number of child protection referrals, around 75 per cent were investigated and intervened, 25 per cent were subject to a child protection conference and only 15 per cent had their name calling placed on the child protection register as a result (Gibbons et al., 2005). Consequently, it was argued that the child protection net was picking up too many cases inappropriately. This finding undermines the government aim of keeping children with families and reducing the number of children that enter the child protection register. On the contrast, it is important to consider the persuasiveness of the child protection system. Broadly, it seemed to be achieving as much as could be expected in terms of the limited aim of preventing further abuse to identifiable children. There are, however, identifiable shortcomings of the child protection system.Social work interventions surfaceed to have quite traumati c effects on families (Department of Health, 1995), often generating fretting and uncertainty for either children or parents, or both (Farmer and Owen, 2005).Poverty And Child Welfare ServicesResearch shows that the poverty see by many West African families may be wagerer met finished frustrative measures sooner than child protection ones. Yet scorn section 17 of the Children Act 1989, which places a duty on the local authority social workers to provide agree for children in need, many social services children and family teams, and have sufficient resources to gibe their duties under child welfare and children looked after. However, unless these issues are tackled, West African families who need punt for their children will receive it only when there is an issue of child protection. Furthermore, using socio-economic variables such as poverty as a predictor of high-risk families (Greenland 1997) fails to ac intimacy the part detriment plays for Black people. Consequently, these indicators of child abuse are seen as failings of the several(prenominal) rather than the product of social inequality (Jones 2004).A number of studies have indicated that most West African families, struggle to bring up their children in conditions of natural and emotional adversity (Department of Health, 1995, 2001). For instance West African families cannot take their children on a holiday trip or meet their wishes and wants. Brophy et al.s (2003) study suggests that immigration and asylum issues, combined with financial problems, are likely to be reasons for the increased complexity for social work professionals assessing and intervening child abuse cases involving West African children. The child protection system that outlives in Britain will be unfamiliar to many West African families, factly those who recently arrived, as similar state systems do not exist in most West African countries, particularly where socio-economic factors overshadow intra-familial child mal treatment and intervention into child abuse and neglect (Lachman et al., 2002 Pierce and Bozalek, 2004). Brophy et al.s (2003) study concludes that many black West African parents saw social work judgment and intervention in child welfare cases as a complete ban and distrust, especially where parents migrate from countries in political upthrust and where there is no existence of child welfare services. There is also concern about the quality of social workers interventions in child abuse cases. For example, it is shown that investigations of alleged child abuse tended to accent on risk assessment rather than assessment leading to social work interventions of the needs of the whole child (Thoburn et al., 2007). In particular, social workers carrying out an investigation might not pick up problems emanating from poverty or social deprivation (Farmer and Owen, 2005). However, at least superficially, social work interventions appear to contrast with section 17 responses, where resea rch reveals high levels of satisfaction amongst parents and children receiving social work services (Colton et al., 1995 Tunstill and Aldgate, 2000). thus, if allegations were minor, it was suggested that the cost to families were unacceptably high, and it was by no means put on that interventions, as a social work response, was better or worse than other options. attractive in social welfare policy addresses low socio-economic status through intervention aimed at promoting social change, while intervention aimed at the poor family or individual(a) addresses poverty at the micro level by helping those in need to develop better coping strategies. The demarcation that the social work mission of pursuing social change and traffic with poverty cannot be attained by micro practice has been the source of strong and recurrent criticism against the dominance of micro practice in social work although Hugman (2008) questions the truism of this argument (Asquith et al 2005). The relation ship between the mission of social work with regard to poverty and the type of social work dexterous poses a dilemma for social workers. A particular challenge for social work services is how to work to the required standards regarding room accesss for assessment and intervention with West African families with low socio-economic background and to safeguard and stir childrens welfare (Platt, 2005).Poverty And Parenting perpetratesThe literature suggest that poverty among black West African families affect the life chances of many African children and the capacity of their parents to provide adequate care and this should be considered in social work assessment and interventions involving child abuse cases. The relationship between values and child up bringing patterns alights the relationship between socio-economic factors and parenting behaviours (Shor, 2000). Shor (2000) suggests that parents from low social class differ in terms of the values they uphold for their children an d this impact on child upbringing. It is also found that there is correlation between black African mothers with low income status using a more authoritarian approach of caring for children than mothers with high income status. Shors (2000) underpin the relationship between values and child-bearing patterns which illuminate the relationship between socio-economic factors and parenting behaviours. He suggests that parents from diverse social class differ in terms of what characteristics they value most for their children and that these differences in value digest to differences in parenting behaviour. This interpretation in child-rearing attitudes based on socio-economic variables was underpinned by Shaefer and Edgerton (1995). In order to develop a sensitive knowledge of child abuse, not only across culture but also across socio-economic contexts, it is possible to draw upon knowledge from studies that look at the parenting patterns of black parents with low income.In families it is the children to whom social workers owe the greater duty of care. Children can be clear about what they need. There may be tensions between childrens needs and wishes, parents needs and wishes, the views and wishes of the wider family, of the community, other professionals, and with the requirements of the law, commandment and procedure. Even where the decision is to remove a child from a family the way social workers conduct their business can make a difference. Thus social work has to respond to parental needs- financial and social, for the sake of the children, but may need to abandon them to prevent the primacy of the childs welfare.The consequences of acquiring the balance handle in either direction expose both black African children and parents to suffering and pain. Sometimes the nature of the socio-economic issue will demand decisions that appear to undermine that commitment of not putting children at risk of significant harm. Social workers have to take the decision and maintain the commitment.The Government regulative Policies And PovertyBy the 21st century, there was a growing view that many West African children who were subjects of section 47 investigations were also worthy for services as children in need (section 17 of the 1989 Children Act). Often, such children did not receive these welfare services because of the apparent incident driven focus of child protection services. One way forward in these circumstances was to encourage local authority social work teams to conduct sign assessments, rather than child protection investigations, in perimeter cases, with a view to finding less intrusive forms of social work intervention practice that address the wider developmental needs of the child. Procedures funding such changes were first introduced by local authorities independently, and were subsequently incorporated into government guidance in England, with the expectation that all referrals of children would first be offered an initia l assessment chuck out in emergency cases or where it is suspected that a crime has been pull (Department of Health, 1999).Concurrently, a detailed framework was issued regarding the assessment of all children in need (Department of Health, 2000). The now familiar Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families was based on an ecological model of assessment, and included supporting pro formas see to it charge the initial assessment spot. Platt, (2000) in his study on refocusing initiative attracted a degree of criticism. For many health and social work professionals, there was concern that serious child protection issues might not receive an adequate response if handled outside child protection procedures (Calder and Hackett, 2003). A key factor here would be whether cases can be switched successfully from family support back into child protectionan issue that has given cause for concern over a number of years (Laming, 2003). Parton (1996) criticized the rec ommendations of Messages from Research because they ignored the basal socio-economic reality for many families. Furthermore, current social expectations may support a formal response to allegations of child abuse and neglect. It is thus unreasonable to expect social workers to act alone since to do so runs counter to the controlling view of wider society. The idea that fewer investigations would mean that resources could merely be transferred to family support services is somewhat naive. The resource problems include the training of social work time, the readying of adequate family support services, and the need to support a period of change and transition. Few would argue that resourcing levels in any of these respects have been adequate (Calder and Hackett, 2003), and the question of resources was sidestepped almost completely by Messages from Research.The difficulties of implementing such changes were highlighted more recently by Cleaver and Walker (2004) in their research o n the impact of the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families. The role of the state in these processes was also examined critically by Spratt and Callan (2004).They argued that reductions in numbers of children on the child protection register have been achieved by and large as a result of modern governance and measures to promote residence with performance targets. Whilst these achievements are laudable, they suggest, they may serve to obscure underlying tensions in the relationship between the state and the family. The idea of refocusing has been affected by complex, often competing pressures since the first appearance of the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families. Arguably, the death of Victoria Climbi reinforce a child protection orientation, and may have led, in some areas, to a lowering of the child protection threshold (Laming, 2003). The Laming report, furthermore, draws attention to the professional confusions that arise from the distinctions in practice between sections 17 and 47. In circumstances such as this, the role of the social worker in any changing pattern of provision takes on particular importance.Chapter ThreeSocial Work PracticesHistory Of Social Work PracticeSocial work has its grow in the struggle of society to deal with poverty and the resultant problems. Therefore, social work is intricately linked with the idea of jack ladder work but must be understood in broader terms. The concept of charity goes back to ancient times, and the practice of providing for the poor has roots in all major world religions (www.globalvision.org. Retrieved on 14/04/2009).The term social work intervention usually describes work undertaken with individuals, families, groups and communities. In this context the term to cover the use of social work knowledge and skills when using it within a social care organisation to facilitate the provision of services and practice consistent with the Codes of Pra ctice and with standards of service and practice, and to promote the social inclusion and life opportunities of people using services. Successful social work includes the capacity to work effectively within organisations and across organisational boundaries. In the vast majority of instances social work intervention is a collective action not an individual activity whether as social worker employee or an independent social worker. The most common form of methods of social work intervention is individual or family casework. Here social work is the intervention. It supports the individual or family to identify, and use, their own and their social net workings experience and expertise as a resource for problems or difficulties may have resulteChild Abuse Interventions Within Black African FamiliesChild Abuse Interventions Within Black African FamiliesIntroductionChild abuse within Black African families is an important topic which has been given extensive attention in British social work research and literature to date. However, only a limited research on child abuse in African families have really considered the impact of socio-economic factors on social work interventions since the inception of the Children Act 1989 (England and Wales). Now the question is why is the issue of socio-economic status of West African families living in the UK an important factor to consider in social work intervention in child abuse cases? My aim in addressing this topic is that research works and literature show that Black children and their families are more likely than whites to be subjected to unnecessary child abuse interventions by social work agencies and other professionals (Bernard Gupta, 2006).Recent research show that in all groups, black children were over-represented on the child protection register under the category of poor parenting behaviour leading to all forms of abuse compared to white children (Bernard Gupta, 2006). This may also be seen within the context of the pathologization of Black families which, incorporates the view that black people, their socio-economic lifestyles are inherently problematic and need correcting (Singh 2006, p. 19) and therefore social workers may intervene unnecessarily in such families. Social workers on the contrary may hesitate to intervene with Black families due to being unsure whether certain parenting behaviours resulting from low socio-economic status are really an abuse or not.The potential consequences of such approach for Black families will be either that the children and their families will be unnecessarily investigated under the child protection system and may be subject to court orders, admitted to local authority care, and/or adopted, or that there will not be appropriate intervention by social workers for black children at risk of significant harm, and therefore children may continue to be harmed or even die. This is evident in recent years, where the vulnerability of some black African chil dren in Britain has been highlighted by the tragic deaths of two African children Victoria Climbi (Laming, 2003) and the young boy known as Adam, whose torso was found floating in the River Thames (Sale, 2005). Also more recently, media reports of possible ritual abuse of African children in Britain were fuelled by the criminal prosecution in relation to Child B, who was physically abused because it was believed she was a kindokia victim of witchcraft possessed by the devil (Tendler and Woolcock, 2005 Thompson, 2005).In a broader context Socio-economic status is defined asa composite measure that typically incorporate economic status, which is measured by income social status, measured by education and work status, measured by occupation (Dulton Levine, 1989, p.30).The three indicators are interrelated but not fully overlapping variables. In this context socio-economic status is considered in terms of economic status, defined as low income or poverty. The difficulties for majority of West African Black families who are mainly asylum seekers from poverty-stricken and war-torn countries now living in the UK are not confined only to how they may be viewed by social workers involved in child care but significantly by theirchild-rearing differences arising from their socio-economic backgrounds (Beranard Gupta 2006).The Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families (Department of Health, 2000) based on the ecological approach places a requirement on social workers to consider families histories, cultural and socio-economic status. Therefore the low socio-economic status of many West African families living in the UK is one big challenge for social work professionals working to safeguard and protect these children from abuse from parents responsible for their care. Therefore key information from the literature will be discussed to explore a number of issues that will help social work professionals to deploy the most appropriate and effective m ethod of social work interventions in child abuse cases with West African families in poverty so as to protect these children from all forms of abuse. Moreover, difficulties in social work intervention in child abuse cases may arise, as explained by Korbin (2004), because the process of assessing a child abuse case is complex and parental behaviours and child outcomes may not be the same in different socio-economic settings. Henceforth, child abuse within West African families can risk reproducing stereotypes of this ethnic minority as deficient, thus fostering pathological viewpoint of African family relationships (Platt, 2005). This raises the question of how can social work practices direct attention to pertinent socio-economic issues framing the experiences of West African children at risk of significant harm, yet not to reproduce ideas of all West African families as deficient.These complex circumstances make social work intervention a major challenge in recent times and theref ore, calls for a new perspective in terms of skills, knowledge and conceptual tools to distinguish between the styles of parenting that differ from those of the majority culture, but at the same time safeguarding and protecting children from significant harm.The dissertation has built its theoretical framework on social work theory, policy and practice and will use key conceptual framework from the social-contextual approaches to intervention. The methodology for this work was mainly qualitative and the literature search has been obtained from primary and secondary sources. The dissertation will lay out various issues regarding the social work intervention processes used for West African families with low socio-economic status.The first chapter provides literature on black African children and the child protection system. Chapter two provides a discussion on the increased complexity of social work intervention in child abuse cases involving West African families with low socio-econo mic status. It also analyse how socio-economic factors cultivate a particular parenting behaviours that impact on social work interventions and thus, bringing West African children living in the UK into the child protection arena. Then chapter three draws on legislations and policies regulating social work practices in the UK. It examines social work practices required to provide competent social work interventions in child abuse cases among West African families and at the same time would not compromise children safety and protection. Chapter four critically analyse the methods of interventions available to social workers to use in effecting positive change in black African community. Finally chapter five discusses the implications of social work intervention made by social work professionals among West African families of low socio-economic status.Chapter oneBlack African Children And Child Protection SystemsThe Prevalence Of Black Children On Child Protection SystemsThere are a n umber of recent studies on Black families and the child protection system which suggest that these families are disproportionately represented at different levels in the child protection system. Gibbons et al (2005) study looked at the operation of the child protection system in eight local authorities in Britain. A part of their study looked at the racial background of the referred families and they found that Black families were over-represented compared with White families on referrals involving physical injury (58% vs. 42%). Black families were also more often referred for using an implement to inflict the physical injury. The researchers argue that this finding illustrates parenting differences in child-rearing, and the difficulty of deciding what forms of physical punishments are acceptable in Britain. They continued to report that the consequences of the injuries inflicted on the Black children were no more likely to be long-lasting, but what seemed unacceptable for the peopl e who referred these children to social services was the form the punishment took. This research study raises an interesting point about child-rearing and parenting differences. Is it the case that Black families, as part of their culture of child-rearing stemming from their poverty status, use physical punishment more as a means of discipline than White families? A recent study by Ellis (2007) found that some West African parents adopted a harsh disciplinary approach with their children as they believe there is no other alternative way of instilling discipline in their children. But the vast people of the majority ethnic community could use options like keeping playing toys away from the children or not taking the children on a holiday and/or depriving them of visiting their friends as a form of instilling disciplining in the children.Ellis (2007) also noted that these punishments are likely to be meted out in a fairly public situation and, though they may be painful, they are unli kely to get out of hand and go beyond what is culturally acceptable. This would appear to support Gibbon et al (2005) findings that the consequences of the injuries to the Black children in their study were not likely to be long-lasting.Another research study by Gibbon Wilding (2005) looked at three local authorities, two of which had significant populations of Black families. One of their findings indicate that referrals around inadequate supervision of children in the two authorities show that a significant number of children referrals came from Black families with low income status than black families with medium/high income status. It could be argued that families with low income status have to strive hard to make ends means by engaging in two or more menial jobs to financially sustain the family. As a result children are inadequately supervised by the very people who are responsible for their care. Considering this kind of socio-economic circumstances, Gibbon Wilding (2005) q uestion whether such referrals should be considered within the child protection framework, or whether it would be better to provide welfare interventions and services for such families under the children in need Act (The Children Act 1989, England and Wales, S.17). This finding has a number of possible implications for West African children and their families, it may mean that they will remain in the child protection system for longer whilst the necessary services are identified and implemented or perhaps that assessments and intervention services are provided but are not socio-economically sensitive, and therefore only serve to disadvantage families further.Furthermore, as part of their study, they found that proportionately more Black children were subject to child abuse investigations than White children. They found that of all the children in their study sample on the register, 60% were Black. A possible reason for this over-representation was that social work professionals work ing with the families had no or little understanding of the socio-economic backgrounds of these black African families (Barn et al. 2007). The researchers also found that White social workers and practitioners emphasized their lack of socio-economic awareness as a weakness when working with Black families, whilst Black social workers and practitioners argued that poverty and ethnicity were not adequately taken into account due to euro-centric child protection procedures. One might speculate whether the parents/guardians of these children refuse to cooperate with social service agencies or whether these agencies are taking a heavy-handed approach, perhaps have pathological approach towards such families.Further data shows that the number of African children in need in the sample week in 2005 is 8,000 (Department for Education and Skills, 2006a). This figure accounts for 3 per cent of the overall total, which is an over-representation inferring from the 2001 census where African child ren makes up 1.4 per cent of the population. A number of studies indicate that most families of children in need, regardless of ethnicity, struggle to bring up their children in conditions of poverty (Department of Health, 1995, 2001). Many West African children in need will not be drawn into the child protection system, if they are made to receive voluntary welfare support services. Thoburn et al.s (2005) review of the research into the nature and outcomes of child welfare services for black children concluded that African children are almost twice as likely to be looked after than the white majority children in the population as a whole, which then suggest, that some of these children will be accommodated under section 20 of the 1989 Children Act, by virtue of being raised by families of low socio-economic status.Beranard and Gupta (2006) found that in relation to the reasons for African children being involved in the child protection system, no official national data are collecte d on ethnicity and reasons for referral or registration on the child protection register (Department for Education and Skills, 2006b). Research data paint a complex and often contradictory picture and once again the information is often aggregated with data on other minority ethnic children. Brophy et al.s (2003) study, which separated data on different minority ethnic families, highlights an increase complexity in the cases involving African children and found that many involved multiple concerns and allegations about parental behaviour.Arguably, there are a number of contributory factors which could be perceived as important in understanding the involvement of West African families with social work agencies and the resultant over-representation of their children in public care and in the child protection system. Broadly speaking, these range from poverty and social exclusion, to child abuse and neglect, poor social work assessments and intervention, and overt and covert racism.The Government Policies And InitiativesThe Commission for Racial Equalitys submission to the DFES/HM Treasury Joint Policy Review on children and young people identifies a number of shortcomings of some government policy initiatives such as Sure Start (CRE, 2006). As is the case with many other government policy initiatives, it is expected that Sure Start Centres will be responsive to black minority ethnic needs and concerns. The commitment of such policies is questioned when there is no race equality impact assessment of the Childcare Act 2006 and only a brief mention of black ethnic minority families in the ten-year childcare strategy (CRE, 2006, p. 10).Whilst black ethnic monitoring of children in care, in need and on the child protection register now takes place at regional and national levels, there is little evidence that such information is utilized for policy and planning purposes to effect positive change.It is evident that race and welfare policy has been constrained by paroc hial perspectives which have tended to focus on how to deal with those in the system. For example, the policy and practice debate on ethnicity and substitute family placements diverts attention from preventive services which could help to obviate the admission of minority children into care in the first place. Similarly, preventive methods of intervention with West African families, such as Family Group Conferences, and systemic practice, as well as particular approaches such as kinship care, are less well developed (Broad and Skinner, 2005 Farmer and Moyers, 2005).Chapter TwoPoverty, West African Families And Child Proctection Poverty And Child ProtectionAll families and children for whom social work intervention is likely to be needed are also more than most subject to a range of social and economic problems and barriers. One major factor is chronic poverty which is often associated with unemployment or immigration, ethnic minority, or a single parent family. Poverty often goes ha nd in hand with other disadvantages and obstacles such as poor educational and employment opportunities, poor parenting, and allegations of child abuse cases. Many West African families and children problems are exacerbated by the interaction between socio-economic factors and their individual impairments and family situations. Unemployment levels are very high among West African families, who are also subject to stigma and prejudice on the part of the community. West African families living in the UK without jobs and no access to benefit and/or dependent on benefits find it hard to access credit. Poor children growing up in single-parent families suffer serious parental disadvantage, which in turn result into social work interventions.Poverty as we all know is not even-handed. The chances of experiencing poverty are far higher with people from West Africa than with white people (Amin Oppenheim 2002). Institutional oppression is suffered by many West African people in many areas in cluding housing ( Amin Oppenheim 2002), employment ( Chakrabarti et al. 2000), welfare state ( Sadiq-Sangster 2001), education and health which not only means that they are more likely to experience poverty and deprivation, but may also make them more susceptible to social work interventions in terms of child protection. Indeed one may expect Black children to be over-represented in child abuse statistics because their families are more open to surveillance as a result of figuring highly among indices of deprivation (Corby 1993, p.69). The relationship between poverty and child abuse has been broadly established (Thobum et al. 1993 Gibbons et al. 2005).Arguments favour the impact of poverty on child abuse shows an increasing number of child protection allegations referred into the system, and second was the proportion of cases leading to social work interventions and/or other forms of services. Numbers entering the system were hard to quantify. Whilst they showed an increase in reg istrations up to 1991 (Gibbons et al., 1995), no national records had been kept about referrals, and differences in recording practices and interpretation were widespread. Regarding proportional figures, the discussion was on slightly safer ground. A key finding from the 2005 research studies show that a large number of children were entered into the child protection system compared with those who were subject to social welfare procedures. Of a total number of child protection referrals, around 75 per cent were investigated and intervened, 25 per cent were subject to a child protection conference and only 15 per cent had their names placed on the child protection register as a result (Gibbons et al., 2005). Consequently, it was argued that the child protection net was picking up too many cases inappropriately. This finding undermines the government aim of keeping children with families and reducing the number of children that enter the child protection register. On the contrast, it is important to consider the effectiveness of the child protection system. Broadly, it seemed to be achieving as much as could be expected in terms of the limited aim of preventing further abuse to identifiable children. There are, however, identifiable shortcomings of the child protection system.Social work interventions appeared to have quite traumatic effects on families (Department of Health, 1995), often generating anxiety and uncertainty for either children or parents, or both (Farmer and Owen, 2005).Poverty And Child Welfare ServicesResearch shows that the poverty experienced by many West African families may be better met through preventative measures rather than child protection ones. Yet despite section 17 of the Children Act 1989, which places a duty on the local authority social workers to provide support for children in need, many social services children and family teams, barely have sufficient resources to meet their duties under child welfare and children looked afte r. However, unless these issues are tackled, West African families who need support for their children will receive it only when there is an issue of child protection. Furthermore, using socio-economic variables such as poverty as a predictor of high-risk families (Greenland 1997) fails to fuck the part prejudice plays for Black people. Consequently, these indicators of child abuse are seen as failings of the individual rather than the product of social inequality (Jones 2004).A number of studies have indicated that most West African families, struggle to bring up their children in conditions of material and emotional adversity (Department of Health, 1995, 2001). For instance West African families cannot take their children on a holiday trip or meet their wishes and wants. Brophy et al.s (2003) study suggests that immigration and asylum issues, combined with financial problems, are likely to be reasons for the increased complexity for social work professionals assessing and interve ning child abuse cases involving West African children. The child protection system that exists in Britain will be unfamiliar to many West African families, especially those who recently arrived, as similar state systems do not exist in most West African countries, particularly where socio-economic factors overshadow intra-familial child maltreatment and intervention into child abuse and neglect (Lachman et al., 2002 Pierce and Bozalek, 2004). Brophy et al.s (2003) study concludes that many black West African parents saw social work assessment and intervention in child welfare cases as a complete anathema and distrust, especially where parents migrate from countries in political turmoil and where there is no existence of child welfare services. There is also concern about the quality of social workers interventions in child abuse cases. For example, it is shown that investigations of alleged child abuse tended to focus on risk assessment rather than assessment leading to social work interventions of the needs of the whole child (Thoburn et al., 2007). In particular, social workers carrying out an investigation might not pick up problems emanating from poverty or social deprivation (Farmer and Owen, 2005). However, at least superficially, social work interventions appear to contrast with section 17 responses, where research reveals high levels of satisfaction amongst parents and children receiving social work services (Colton et al., 1995 Tunstill and Aldgate, 2000). Thus, if allegations were minor, it was suggested that the costs to families were unacceptably high, and it was by no means clear that interventions, as a social work response, was better or worse than other options.Engaging in social welfare policy addresses low socio-economic status through intervention aimed at promoting social change, while intervention aimed at the poor family or individual addresses poverty at the micro level by helping those in need to develop better coping strategies. The a rgument that the social work mission of pursuing social change and dealing with poverty cannot be attained by micro practice has been the source of strong and recurrent criticism against the dominance of micro practice in social work although Hugman (2008) questions the truism of this argument (Asquith et al 2005). The relationship between the mission of social work with regard to poverty and the type of social work practised poses a dilemma for social workers. A particular challenge for social work services is how to work to the required standards regarding thresholds for assessment and intervention with West African families with low socio-economic background and to safeguard and promote childrens welfare (Platt, 2005).Poverty And Parenting PracticesThe literature suggest that poverty among black West African families affect the life chances of many African children and the capacity of their parents to provide adequate care and this should be considered in social work assessment a nd interventions involving child abuse cases. The relationship between values and child up bringing patterns illuminates the relationship between socio-economic factors and parenting behaviours (Shor, 2000). Shor (2000) suggests that parents from low social class differ in terms of the values they uphold for their children and this impact on child upbringing. It is also found that there is correlation between black African mothers with low income status using a more authoritarian approach of caring for children than mothers with high income status. Shors (2000) underpin the relationship between values and child-bearing patterns which illuminate the relationship between socio-economic factors and parenting behaviours. He suggests that parents from diverse social class differ in terms of what characteristics they value most for their children and that these differences in value contribute to differences in parenting behaviour. This variation in child-rearing attitudes based on socio-e conomic variables was underpinned by Shaefer and Edgerton (1995). In order to develop a sensitive knowledge of child abuse, not only across culture but also across socio-economic contexts, it is possible to draw upon knowledge from studies that look at the parenting patterns of black parents with low income.In families it is the children to whom social workers owe the greater duty of care. Children can be clear about what they need. There may be tensions between childrens needs and wishes, parents needs and wishes, the views and wishes of the wider family, of the community, other professionals, and with the requirements of the law, regulation and procedure. Even where the decision is to remove a child from a family the way social workers conduct their business can make a difference. Thus social work has to respond to parental needs- financial and social, for the sake of the children, but may need to abandon them to maintain the primacy of the childs welfare.The consequences of getti ng the balance wrong in either direction expose both black African children and parents to suffering and pain. Sometimes the nature of the socio-economic issue will demand decisions that appear to undermine that commitment of not putting children at risk of significant harm. Social workers have to take the decision and maintain the commitment.The Government Regulatory Policies And PovertyBy the 21st century, there was a growing view that many West African children who were subjects of section 47 investigations were also eligible for services as children in need (section 17 of the 1989 Children Act). Often, such children did not receive these welfare services because of the apparent incident driven focus of child protection services. One way forward in these circumstances was to encourage local authority social work teams to conduct initial assessments, rather than child protection investigations, in borderline cases, with a view to finding less intrusive forms of social work interve ntion practice that address the wider developmental needs of the child. Procedures supporting such changes were first introduced by local authorities independently, and were subsequently incorporated into government guidance in England, with the expectation that all referrals of children would first be offered an initial assessment except in emergency cases or where it is suspected that a crime has been committed (Department of Health, 1999).Concurrently, a detailed framework was issued regarding the assessment of all children in need (Department of Health, 2000). The now familiar Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families was based on an ecological model of assessment, and included supporting pro formas covering the initial assessment period. Platt, (2000) in his study on refocusing initiative attracted a degree of criticism. For many health and social work professionals, there was concern that serious child protection issues might not receive an adequate r esponse if handled outside child protection procedures (Calder and Hackett, 2003). A key factor here would be whether cases can be switched successfully from family support back into child protectionan issue that has given cause for concern over a number of years (Laming, 2003). Parton (1996) criticized the recommendations of Messages from Research because they ignored the basic socio-economic reality for many families. Furthermore, current social expectations may support a formal response to allegations of child abuse and neglect. It is thus unreasonable to expect social workers to act alone since to do so runs counter to the dominant view of wider society. The idea that fewer investigations would mean that resources could simply be transferred to family support services is somewhat naive. The resource problems include the provision of social work time, the provision of adequate family support services, and the need to support a period of change and transition. Few would argue that resourcing levels in any of these respects have been adequate (Calder and Hackett, 2003), and the question of resources was sidestepped almost completely by Messages from Research.The difficulties of implementing such changes were highlighted more recently by Cleaver and Walker (2004) in their research on the impact of the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families. The role of the state in these processes was also examined critically by Spratt and Callan (2004).They argued that reductions in numbers of children on the child protection register have been achieved largely as a result of modern governance and measures to promote compliance with performance targets. Whilst these achievements are laudable, they suggest, they may serve to obscure underlying tensions in the relationship between the state and the family. The idea of refocusing has been affected by complex, often competing pressures since the introduction of the Framework for the Assessment of Chil dren in Need and their Families. Arguably, the death of Victoria Climbi reinforced a child protection orientation, and may have led, in some areas, to a lowering of the child protection threshold (Laming, 2003). The Laming report, furthermore, draws attention to the professional confusions that arise from the distinctions in practice between sections 17 and 47. In circumstances such as this, the role of the social worker in any changing pattern of provision takes on particular importance.Chapter ThreeSocial Work PracticesHistory Of Social Work PracticeSocial work has its roots in the struggle of society to deal with poverty and the resultant problems. Therefore, social work is intricately linked with the idea of charity work but must be understood in broader terms. The concept of charity goes back to ancient times, and the practice of providing for the poor has roots in all major world religions (www.globalvision.org. Retrieved on 14/04/2009).The term social work intervention usuall y describes work undertaken with individuals, families, groups and communities. In this context the term to cover the use of social work knowledge and skills when using it within a social care organisation to facilitate the provision of services and practice consistent with the Codes of Practice and with standards of service and practice, and to promote the social inclusion and life opportunities of people using services. Successful social work includes the capacity to work effectively within organisations and across organisational boundaries. In the vast majority of instances social work intervention is a collective activity not an individual activity whether as social worker employee or an independent social worker. The most common form of methods of social work intervention is Individual or family casework. Here social work is the intervention. It supports the individual or family to identify, and use, their own and their social networks experience and expertise as a resource for problems or difficulties may have resulte